24th August 2024
Striking healthcare workers demand better pay and conditions in Iran
The election of Masoud Pezeshkian to the Iranian Presidency in July has encouraged false hopes amongst some in the West that Iran is on a path for reform and that the president will be able to influence the policy positions of the regime. Nothing could be further from the truth.
Masoud Pezeshkian has never expressed any views in opposition to Iran’s so called Supreme Leader, Ali Khamenei, and would not have been on the presidential ballot had he done so. The new president has so far done little more than make vague statements and quote from religious sermons. In August he jokingly said in a speech at the inauguration ceremony of the new head of the Planning Organisation: “We have no motivation at all. They don’t even give us a chance to do this job.”
The list of Cabinet members proposed by Pezeshkian in August and presented to the parliament for approval reflects the reality of his position. The retention of the Minister of Intelligence from former president Raisi’s repressive government, indicates that the new administration will simply continue the general policies of the regime.
While the Cabinet list presented to Parliament contained 14 new ministers indications are that the new ministers have been carefully vetted and selected by the fundamentalist camp and that former ministers been approved by the regime.
Even with this level of scrutiny there is likely to be more screening when the list comes to verifying qualifications in committees or on the floor of the House. Certainly, it is expected that in the next stages, some prominent ministers in the Cabinet will be targeted for attack and, after the necessary revelations and accusations, they will be disqualified. The final Cabinet will inevitably be weaker and less efficient at each stage and in the end more submissive.
Less than two weeks into his presidency Pezeshkian was faced with the resignation of former Iranian chief diplomat Mohammad Javad Zarif, who had been appointed as his deputy and minister in charge of strategic affairs. Conflicting reports suggest that on the one hand Zarif was unimpressed with the Cabinet selection and the constraints placed upon the new administration, while others suggest that behind the scenes, there has been a hardliner attempt to push Zarif out of office through a law barring officials with ties to the West.
The process not only reflects the iron grip which the clergy impose upon any so called democratic processes in Iran but also the weakness of Pezeshkian’s position. In the election first round, only 39% of those eligible cast their vote, a historic low for the Islamic Republic’s presidential elections. In the second round, when only Pezeshkian and hardliner Saeed Jalili were left in the race, about 49.8% participated, still one of the lowest turnouts in Iran’s presidential elections.
Given that the proportion of those voting directly for Pezeshkian will be even less than these figures, it is clear that the new President has no popular support, at best being seen as the lesser of several evils, and that the widespread boycott of the elections shows that the support base for the regime overall continues to dwindle.
The election campaign of Pezeshkian did contain some appeal to reform, including pushing for the end of internet restrictions and promoting some social freedoms, including on women and minorities rights. Whether the hardline clergy allow such changes remains to be seen.
Already the new presidency has been faced with striking healthcare workers who have been grappling with increasing economic pressures for the past two decades.
In some hospitals, that have been the site of protests over recent weeks, nurses have gone on strike. This is a dangerous development for public health but shows that nurses are deeply dissatisfied with their employment conditions. The indifference of officials and senior hospital management has caused nurses to suspend their professional and ethical duties and take to the streets to voice their grievances.
In relation to human rights issues recent news indicated that the Nobel Peace Prize laureate and Iranian human rights activist, Narges Mohammadi, was violently beaten by prison guards after leading a protest against the death penalty. Her requests for hospital care and a meeting with her lawyer were denied.
The lawyer, Mostafa Nili, told Iranian news media about the violence against Ms. Mohammadi, stating,
“My client says that she was beaten and has bruises on her body. Despite the prison doctor’s orders, and considering my client’s heart condition,” he said, “she has not been sent to the hospital.”
On foreign policy, Pezeshkian’s campaign focused on the need to engage with the West, including on the nuclear issue, to get sanctions relief and improve the economic conditions of the country, as well as to move away from the brink of regional war.
However, he also praised former president Raisi’s rapprochement with Arab countries, signalling that, on issues other than ties with the West, he is likely broadly to continue the policy of the previous administration. The question of retaliation against Israel for the assassination of Hamas and Hezbollah leaders also remains on the agenda with the potential to further increase the tensions in the region. Pezeshkian will be in no position to reverse the calls for retribution made by Khamenei and the clergy.
It is clear that the election of Masoud Pezeshkian is no indication that the Iranian leopard has changed its spots. The theocratic dictatorship remains in place and, while challenges are still there from mass popular movements such as Women, Life, Freedom and the industrial action gripping the country, the presidency is little more than a sideshow. Real change in Iran will only happen when it comes from the people and is driven by the people. A change in stooge presidents will not alter that.
Avanti Populo 